International People’s Tribunal on U.S. Imperialism: Cuba Findings
Editorial Note: The following findings report is based on the International People's Tribunal on U.S. Imperialism hearing on the Cuba. The video of the hearing is available here .
On June 10 and 11, 2023, the International People’s Tribunal on U.S. Imperialism convened a hearing to examine the impact of the United States’ decades-long blockade against the Republic of Cuba. The Tribunal, which launched in January 2023, focused on the impact of U.S.-led sanctions, blockades, and economic coercive measures on over a dozen states across Asia, Africa, and Latin America. This Cuba hearing followed a fact-finding mission organized with the National Lawyers Guild, through which participants were able to observe firsthand the deleterious impact of the imperialist blockade across multiple sectors of Cuban life.
The Tribunal approached economic coercive measures as inherently violent instruments of imperialist power, designed to maintain global economic inequality, continue the more than five century old theft of wealth from the Global South and preserve the White World Order. Far from being “targeted” or “humanitarian,” the Tribunal demonstrated that sanctions function as comprehensive economic warfare, working in tandem with other aspects of hybrid warfare to weaken sovereign States that resist imperialist domination, constrict their development, and punish populations through enforced scarcity. In Cuba’s case, the blockade has operated for more than six decades as a system of extraterritorial coercion that undermines State sovereignty, impinges upon the self-determination of the Cuban nation and overall well-being, and seeks to sabotage a socialist model that prioritizes life, public health, education, and social welfare over profit and capital accumulation.
As the findings below document, the blockade has restricted access to essential medicines and medical technologies, obstructed fuel imports needed for electricity and transportation, cut off agricultural inputs that affect national food production, limited access to educational materials and scientific exchange, and hindered technological development and financial transactions. Its cumulative effects amount to what Comandante Fidel Castro more aptly characterized as “economic genocide,” underscoring the all-encompassing nature of this siege and its deliberate targeting of the material conditions of life.
These findings are being published amid renewed and escalating U.S. imperialist aggression toward Cuba, including a recent White House executive order that expands economic warfare by threatening tariffs on countries supplying oil to the island- a blatant escalation of the long-standing blockade. That escalation is part of a broader pattern of intensifying U.S. imperialist aggression towards the region, most sharply expressed by the U.S. military assault on Venezuela on January 3, 2026, including the kidnapping Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Combatant Cilia Flores in direct violation of Venezuelan sovereignty and international law.These escalating interventions are part of an effort to consolidate imperialist core domination of the region’s resources and strategic assets as well as sabotage an emergent polycentric world in the face of imperialist decline.
The timing of this publication is especially significant as this special issue of The Pen Is My Machete marks the 60th anniversary of the historic 1966 Tricontinental Conference in Havana, which united anti-imperialist states and movements from Africa, Asia, and Latin America in a shared struggle against colonialism and empire. In the current conjuncture of deepening imperialist crisis and aggression, the Tribunal’s conclusions are even more urgent for understanding and resisting the expanding architecture of U.S. economic and hybrid warfare.
Cuba Findings
Historical Context
One cannot understand the Cuban revolution and political-economic system outside of the histories, legacies and ongoing realities of colonialism and imperialism. By necessity and out of ideological and political commitments, anti-imperialism has been central to state policy. Cuba had been a Spanish colony from 1492 until 1898 when the United States took over as a neocolonial power in the Spanish–American War, consistent with the U.S. attempt to control the region as laid out in the Monroe Doctrine. The pre–1959 Cuban economy was controlled by U.S. imperialism through the imposition of the Platt Amendment in 1903, which “reduced the independence and sovereignty of the Cuban republic to a myth.” Cuba’s countryside was characterized by the latifundia system, dominated by U.S. firms and the supremacy of one crop (sugarcane) in a plantation economy. Trade relations were shaped by unequal exchange and dominated by U.S. monopoly capital. The domestic economy was controlled by a highly exploitative comprador class and U.S. mafia who owned casinos and hotels in the exploitative and degrading tourism industry. Cuban society was marked by high levels of unemployment, malnutrition, and illiteracy.
Tackling the terrible socioeconomic and political effects of Cuba’s subjugation under the Spanish empire and then U.S. imperialism necessitated a radical transformation of the Cuban economy, political institutions and power structures. This was achieved through the 1958 Cuban revolution. The transition to socialism inevitably meant confronting U.S. imperialism—and vice versa. Since 1959, U.S. imperialism, with its powerful allies in the right-wing exile community based in Miami, have relentlessly tried to destroy the Revolution and Cuban socialism.
Blockade Overview
Dating back to 1962, the blockade of Cuba is the oldest and most extensive system of unilateral sanctions applied against any country in the modern era. The blockade is rooted in Cold War-era anti-communism and aligns with the material interests of monopolistic capital within the imperialist core. The blockade limits Cuba’s purchasing capacity for any product, commodity, or raw material if it contains 10 percent or more of its components or ownership originating from the United States. Its implications extend beyond a bilateral interaction between the United States and Cuba, shaping the relationships of other states with Cuba and demonstrating its extraterritoriality.
Apprehensions regarding sanctions lead to instances of overcompliance, thereby further constricting Cuba’s economy, challenging its state sovereignty, and impinging upon the people’s self-determination and overall well-being. Then-U.S. President Barack Obama initiated a “thaw” in relations with Cuba beginning December 2014. The process of normalization was announced on December 17, 2014, by President Obama and Cuban leader Raúl Castro. This diplomatic breakthrough encompassed lifting some U.S. travel restrictions, easing limits on remittances, granting U.S. banks access to Cuba’s financial system, and reopening embassies in Havana and Washington. On April 14, 2015, the Obama administration announced Cuba’s removal from the United States State Sponsors of Terrorism list. With no congressional opposition during the stipulated timeframe, Cuba was officially delisted on May 29, 2015. Subsequently, on July 20, 2015, both the Cuban and U.S. “interests sections” in Washington and Havana were upgraded to full embassies, signifying a deeper level of diplomatic engagement between the two countries.
The Trump administration reversed this opening and notably reinstated Cuba’s designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism and extended the sanctions that penalize individuals and countries involved in specific trade with Cuba. These sanctions further entail restrictions on U.S. foreign aid, prohibition of defense exports and sales, as well as the imposition of controls on the export of dual-use items. Cruelly, the more than 240 measures activated as part of the embargo by the Trump Administration were kept in place during the COVID pandemic, exacerbating the economic and health crises. The Biden administration has done little to reverse the sanctions implemented under Trump and has yet to remove Cuba from the State Sponsor of Terrorism list despite popular mobilization by solidarity groups- including the 90 resolutions by elected bodies; city councils, county commissions, state legislators, school boards, labor unions—representing estimated 45 million people—from across country that Cheryl LaBash, one of five co-chairs of the National Network on Cuba, discussed in her expert witness testimony. LaBash pointed out the absurdity of keeping Cuba on this list when Cuba is actually “a state sponsor of peace” rather than “terrorism.” As a result of the complete prohibition on trade with the United States, a 2021 estimate by the Cuban government found that the embargo has cost the country close to $144 billion over nearly 6 decades.
Establishing Intent
Expert witnesses pointed out how the intentions underlying the U.S. blockade on Cuba have been clearly evident since its inception. As far back as 1960, Lester Mallory, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs openly articulated the objectives: to weaken Cuba’s economic vitality, provoke hunger and desperation, and sow discontent in order to facilitate regime change. Mallory wrote in his notorious memo that “every possible means should be undertaken promptly to weaken the economic life of Cuba… [By] denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.” Expert witness Ambassador Yuri A. Gala López, Deputy Permanent Representative at the Permanent Mission of Cuba to the United Nations, explained that the blockade imposed was in response to what Mallory acknowledged was “the effective absence of political opposition to Castro and so the only possible means of alienating internal support is through disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship.” The Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961, known in the U.S. as such, but referred to by Cubans as Playa Girón, stands as a testament to the intentions of U.S. imperialism. Despite being defeated, this pivotal event showcased Cuba’s ability to defend itself against a superior military force and simultaneously declare itself a socialist revolution, inspiring oppressed communities across Latin America and beyond.
Instruments such as the Cuban Assets Control Regulations (CACR), the Cuban Democracy Act (CDA), and the Helms Burton Act have been employed to enforce the embargo. Notably, the Helms-Burton Act of 1996 extended the embargo’s reach to foreign companies trading with Cuba and penalized those engaged in activities related to property confiscated post-revolution. In April 2019, then Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced the activation of Title III of the Helms-Burton Act in April 2019, allowing U.S. nationals to sue entities engaged in property expropriated by the Cuban government since 1959. The potential liabilities include damages equivalent to the value of the property itself, subject to trebling in certain circumstances. Further demonstrating the U.S.’s relentless imperialist assault, the introduction of the Fighting Oppression until the Reign of Castro Ends Act (FORCE) Act in 2021 seeks to prevent the removal of Cuba from the State Sponsor of Terrorism List and the lifting of related sanctions, solidifying the enduring nature of the blockade’s intent.
The U.S. has also notoriously used NGOs to undermine Cuba. Since 2017, over 50 groups have operated programs in Cuba funded by USAID and NED, receiving a total of US$16,569,889 in grants. These programs aim to undermine the Cuban revolution and promote “regime” change. The State Department, USAID, and NED maintain undisclosed or miscellaneous contractors whose identities are not revealed publicly. The extent of Cuban involvement and the exact allocation of funds to individuals remains uncertain. For instance, in 2018, the Cuban Democratic Directorate reported paying a significant number of “employees, agents, and contractors” both within and outside Cuba, making it difficult to determine the precise impact and reach of U.S. “democracy promotion” initiatives in Cuba. Expert witness Ajamu Baraka pointed out in his testimony how these forces have also sought to “weaponize” Cuba’s “ongoing struggle against racism and racialization,” to undermine the revolution. He called on all “African revolutionaries” instead of supporting these attacks to instead “stand with Cuba and assert that it is only through practice that race and white supremacy will be defeated.”
As this historical context elucidates, the U.S. blockade on Cuba has been motivated by a consistent agenda aimed at destabilizing Cuba’s economic and political foundations, with a clear intention of producing “regime” change.
Impact of Blockade on Economic and Financial Sectors
Expert witnesses explained how the blockade’s impact on Cuba’s economic and financial sectors is profound and multifaceted. Access to international credit, a crucial resource for developmental projects, is severely restricted due to the blockade. Cuba is constrained to engage in upfront cash transactions or barter agreements when counterparties permit, slowing down its progress. Additionally, the scarcity of hard currencies required for international trade further complicates Cuba’s economic interactions. The over-compliance of third parties with the blockade disrupts the smooth flow of Cuba’s transactions through the global banking system. This not only complicates trade but also hinders Cuban students studying abroad from accessing their scholarship funds and stipends. Cuban businesses are compelled to source raw materials from distant regions like Asia, incurring additional costs and significant delays that can stretch up to 9 months before reaching Cuban shores. This convoluted process also involves intermediaries, adding layers of complexity and draining wealth along the way.
One (intended) impact of the blockade has been to push the Cuban economy towards privatization as the private sector is supposed to be largely immune from unilateral coercive measures. Despite Cuba’s adaptation of its economy to permit up to 30 percent private ownership of businesses, access to international financial institutions and markets remains limited or nonexistent for Cuban enterprises. Trade relations with Cuba demand permission or a license from entities like the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). While some commercial institutions engage in joint ventures with Cuban businesses, a number of them hesitate to reveal their involvement publicly due to fears of potential sanctions.
The blockade profoundly restricts Cuba’s ability to introduce its products to the vast U.S. market, a major hindrance to its economic and labor growth. Cuban businesses, however, maintain hope and prepare for potential opportunities by developing patents in anticipation of the blockade's potential lifting. A notable instance is the Cuban Ron company, responsible for Havana Club rum and other brands, recognized by UNESCO for its rum-making mastery. Unfortunately, its products cannot be sold or brought to the U.S. due to the blockade. Cuban businesses find themselves with limited connections to international commercial institutions that have their own ties to the U.S. These entities may face serious consequences, such as sanctions or fines, if they engage with Cuba, further restricting Cuba’s global economic interactions.
Impact of Blockade on ICT Sector
Expert witness Yarina Amoros, Professor at the Center for Electronic Governance at the University of Havana and President of the Cuban Society of Law and Informatics of the National Union of Jurists of Cuba, explained how the Cuban blockade has had profound effects on various aspects of Cuba’s development, economy, and what she describes as “technological sovereignty.” Specifically, the blockade severely infringes on Cuba’s right to development by limiting access to technology and information. It has impeded the country’s technological progress and economic growth. Cuba’s attempt to develop its own technology and computer industry was hindered by the blockade, leading to a shift of resources towards other sectors like healthcare. Despite this, Cuba managed to develop vaccines and medical equipment during the COVID-19 pandemic. The blockade has compelled Cuba to pursue technological sovereignty, attempting to create its own technology and equipment due to restrictions on purchasing items with more than 10 percent American ownership. Cyber attacks have targeted Cuban software efforts.
The blockade also affects Cuba’s access to global telecommunication technologies, increasing costs and limiting access to underwater cables passing through Cuban territory. The blockade disrupts Cuba’s access to essential computer tools and repositories, hindering software development and training. Many important online portals and platforms, necessary for software development and technological advancement, are inaccessible from Cuba due to the blockade. Companies and educational institutions have struggled to find alternative solutions, leading to slower development processes and hindering progress. The blockade also restricts access to licenses and equipment needed for various sectors, impacting the quality of ICT services and television broadcasts. The inability to purchase parts for equipment due to American components affects the overall quality of services. Satellite communication services for Cuban vessels are limited, causing delays and losses. The blockade also prevents access to high-performance brands and equipment in the telecommunications market, affecting infrastructure and access to the internet.
The blockade includes aggressive policies such as anti-Cuban broadcasts violating international rules. Certain companies, including Kaspersky Lab, refrain from providing solutions to Cuba due to sanctions. The blockade hinders Cuba’s access to advanced telecommunications equipment and infrastructure, affecting internet accessibility and computerization efforts. The blockade hampers Cuba’s participation in international meetings, virtual events, and communication platforms such as Zoom and Webex. This limits Cuba’s ability to engage on equal terms with other countries and participate in global forums In a digital world, the blockade has also constrained the Cuban State’s capabilities to fulfill its obligation as a guarantor of security to Cuban citizens. Lack of access to technology has led to the erosion of the Cuban state capability to defend its people, societal cohesion, its sovereignty and territorial integrity against the latest 5th generation warfare tactics (information warfare, social engineering, cyberattacks, mis/dis-information campaigns etc.).
Impact of Blockade on Public Health
The Cuban socialist healthcare system has gained global recognition for its innovative, people-centered, and comprehensive approach to providing medical care. Rooted in the principles of socialism, it treats healthcare as a human right rather than a profit-driven commodity. Despite its remarkable achievements, the United States’ blockade has inflicted significant harm on Cuba’s healthcare system and its population. The blockade severely restricts Cuba’s ability to import crucial medical supplies, equipment, and technologies, impeding its capacity to effectively treat life-threatening diseases. To compound the blockade’s impact, the U.S. government has allocated over one billion dollars to fund opposition groups and media against Cuba, employing hybrid warfare tactics.
Despite these adversities, Cuba has managed to achieve impressive progress in healthcare, education, sustainable development, and sports. The core of Cuba’s healthcare philosophy lies in preventing diseases and fostering a sense of communal responsibility for medical well-being. Cuba’s socialist healthcare model prioritizes community-based polyclinics, offering comprehensive care to residents. This approach emphasizes the interplay between biological, social, cultural, economic, and environmental factors in treating patients. Notably, Cuba’s emphasis on prevention challenges the profit-driven approach of capitalist healthcare systems. In Cuba, the goal is to eliminate the conditions that necessitate medical treatment, in stark contrast to the profit-driven incentive to perpetuate diseases in capitalist systems. Despite the incredible achievements of Cuba’s healthcare system, the blockade has undermined the ability of the care sector to function at full capacity, harming the lives of many Cubans.
Most importantly, the blockade hinders the Cuban medical sectors from accessing necessary medical supplies and treatments. As expert witness Dr. Mariuska Forteza Sáez, Head of the Oncopediatrics Service and National Institute of Oncology and Radiobiology in Cuba explained, the blockade effects the choice of therapy medical workers can choose for their patients, often resulting in using treatments that not as effective or present higher risk for patients. Reinforcing the genocidal nature of the blockade, Dr. Forteza Sáez explained how it “directly impacts the survival rate of patients.” The extraterritorial effects of the blockade disrupt international medical cooperation and hinder Cuba’s efforts to combat global health challenges. The U.S. has also targeted Cuban medical cooperation by spreading misinformation and pressuring other countries to reject Cuba’s assistance, even during the COVID-19 pandemic. In one year alone, between April 2019 and March 2020, the imposition of the U.S. blockade in the healthcare sector caused losses amounting to approximately US$160,260,880. This detrimental impact extended to other crucial sectors as well, with the educational sector suffering losses of around US$ 21,226,000 and the food and agriculture industry experiencing staggering losses of approximately US$428,894,637.
The profound ramifications of the extraterritorial embargo were acutely felt within Cuba’s public health system. Notably, the public corporation Medicuba faced formidable challenges in sourcing essential medical supplies and equipment from international companies due to the chilling effect of the embargo. An illustrative example of this occurred on July 16, 2019, when Emirates Airlines refused to transport Cardidopa-levodopa medicine manufactured by Apex Drug House to Cuba, citing restrictions on goods destined for the country. This medicine, critical for treating Parkinson’s Disease symptoms, such as muscular rigidity and trembling, became elusive due to the embargo-induced hindrance. Similarly, Sanyzme Private Ltd. of India declined to accept shipping documents related to the purchase of Progesterone 50 mg, impeding Medicuba’s ability to procure this medication essential for the Assisted Reproduction Program and the treatment of hormonal imbalances in women. Additionally, on December 3, 2019, Nutricia, a multinational company based in the Netherlands, refused to deliver nutritional supplements and foods necessary for medical management, invoking Title III of the Helms-Burton Law. Medicuba’s efforts to import vital medicine and supplies were further hampered by the reluctance of U.S. companies to establish commercial ties due to the blockade. Out of 50 companies contacted, the majority did not respond, and key entities like Waters Corporation, Dexcom, and the U.S. affiliate of Koninklijke Philips N.V. declined engagement citing embargo-related constraints.
Even in the field of biopharmaceuticals, a strategic cornerstone of the Cuban economy, the blockade inflicted significant economic losses estimated at approximately US$ 161 million between April 2019 and March 2020. This critical sector, dedicated to research, development, production, and marketing of medical products, faced severe disruptions. The intensification of the blockade not only impacted academic and scientific exchange but also deprived both Cubans and the people of the U.S. of the benefits derived from internationally recognized biotechnical and pharmaceutical innovations originating in Cuba. Furthermore, Cuba’s pursuit of enhancing elderly services and sharing medical breakthroughs, including a diabetes cure, was stifled by the constraints of the blockade. This policy also posed barriers even for other global South states seeking to procure medicines from Cuba, as intermediaries encountered banking challenges and excessive penalties. Additionally, the production of essential medicines for the Cuban population was impeded due to hindered importation of necessary raw materials, compounding the adverse effects of the embargo on healthcare.
There were renewed calls at the United Nations to lift the U.S. blockade during the global Covid pandemic, with state representatives pointing out how the blockade undermined humanitarian aid efforts and hindered Cuba’s ability to care for its population. U.N. Special Rapporteur Alena Douhan’s report to the UN General Assembly emphasized the negative effects of unilateral coercive measures on human rights enjoyment, specifically addressing the U.S. blockade against Cuba. The report highlighted challenges such as the inability to use Zoom for virtual medical meetings and seminars due to the blockade. The report also noted that a U.S. company hired by Jack Ma to transport COVID-19 medical supplies to Cuba refused, citing blockade regulations. This example illustrated the obstacles posed by the blockade, resulting in Cuba losing a donation valued at US$1,698,693.
Despite the harsh challenges posed by the blockade, Cuba has achieved remarkable healthcare outcomes. With a focus on prevention and community-based care, Cuba boasts one of the world’s most efficient healthcare systems. Cubans enjoy longer life expectancies and lower infant mortality rates compared to many developed nations. The country has eradicated various infectious and contagious diseases and has made significant strides in areas like cancer, diabetes, and HIV research. Notably, Cuba’s CimaVax vaccine offers promise in treating lung cancer, but its availability is hindered by the blockade, denying potential benefits to thousands of Americans. Cuba’s prestigious biotech sector also developed five different Covid vaccines, including Abdala, Soberana 02 and Soberana Plus—all of which provide upwards of 90 percent protection against symptomatic Covid when administered in three doses.. The country of roughly 11 million remains the only country in Latin America and the Caribbean to have produced a homegrown shot for Covid.
Despite enormous challenges to their public health system, Cuba responded to medical imperialism with its characteristic medical internationalism. The Henry Reeve Emergency Medical Contingent gained visibility and recognition in 2020. The Cuban solidarity medical brigade responded to requests for Cuban medical assistance to combat the pandemic, particularly in Latin America, the Caribbean, Europe, and the French territory of Martinique. 56 brigades from the Henry Reeve Emergency Medical Contingent, with 55.4 percent women, contributed to pandemic response efforts in various countries. The Cuban Ministry of Public Health reported that 24 brigades continued operations worldwide.
Impact of Blockade on Energy Sovereignty/Security
The Cuban blockade has resulted in a consistent shortage of fuel within the country. The combination of restricted access to international fuel markets, challenges in finding willing suppliers, difficulties in obtaining the necessary hard currency for international trade, and the complexities of navigating global financial and banking systems has placed an immense strain on both the Cuban economy and its population. This situation has not only hindered any potential industrial progress that relies on a steady energy supply but has also raised the overall expenses associated with conducting business. As a consequence, Cubans are grappling with the struggle to meet their essential daily requirements. The repercussions of fuel shortages extend beyond mere economic concerns. Higher costs for essential household functions like heating, cooling, cooking, and refrigeration have emerged, alongside increased expenses for transportation. These issues subsequently impose limits on mobility, leading to a fragmentation of social connections and a weakening of the societal fabric. In essence, the blockade’s impact on energy availability has far-reaching and profound effects on various aspects of Cuban life.
Impact of Blockade on Agricultural Sector
Undoubtedly, the blockade has inflicted severe repercussions on the agriculture sector, significantly impacting national food security and the economy of Cuba. Despite important strides taken towards food sovereignty over the last two decades, Cuba still imports 80 percent of its food and the U.S. imposed blockade has resulted in inadequate levels of domestic food production in terms of quantity, diversity, quality, and safety. This, in turn, has led to increased costs for imports to meet the country’s food requirements and a dearth of essential technology to enhance productivity. Statistics concerning the hurdles faced by Cuban agriculture underscore the extent of the impact of sanctions on the agricultural sector. In 2019, the sector had access to a mere 71 percent of the approved diesel fuel for the year. Irrigation was received by only 7.4 percent of the requisite areas, and between 15 and 45 percent of cultivated land suffered from a deficiency of fertilizers. The following year, only 28 percent of all cultivated land was fertilized. Addressing these issues could yield substantial improvements with proper investment and technological access.
These challenges have been exacerbated by constrained entry to international markets due to the blockade and substantial losses within the agriculture sector stemming from extreme weather events and imperialist-capitalist induced climate change. Notably, a significant portion of Cuba’s cultivated land—ninety percent—is managed by individual farmers and agricultural cooperatives, entities that drive the majority of domestic production. The statistics also illustrate the importance of women in the agriculture sector, with 135,900 women employed, constituting 13 percent of cooperative workers. As with other sectors impacted by the blockade, Cubans have responded with characteristic resilience and resistance. As one of the farmers interviewed in the ICAP video on the growing movement towards food sovereignty in Cuba put it: “The USA have squeezed us, but we have superimposed ourselves by squeezing our minds and finding solutions and learning how to benefit from our own skills and resources.”
Impact of Blockade on Education Sector
Education, much like other sectors, is not exempt from the influence of the blockade. Its impact on the field is intricate and varied. Cubans are barred from accessing openly available online educational resources, illustrating one facet of the blockade’s effect. The confluence of factors such as restricted access to foreign currency, limitations in utilizing financial institutions and international trade, coupled with scarcity in natural resources and technology access transforms seemingly routine tasks into a resource-intensive challenge of monumental proportions. Despite allocating 24 percent of its annual budget to education, Cuba faces substantial challenges in executing this budget due to the blockade’s extensive barriers. These obstacles extend to the most fundamental educational resources, hindering the provision of even basic materials. The impact encompasses various aspects, such as a reduction in the number of pencils, notebooks, and other supplies provided to students at the beginning of the academic year. The printing of textbooks, which requires an annual allocation of more than eight million dollars, has also been adversely affected. These effects are particularly evident in specialized institutions like the Abel Santamaría special school, where blind children and those with severe ophthalmological impairments study. The blockade obstructs access to essential equipment, including teaching tools for the Braille system and necessary paper. Even obtaining eyeglasses for students with vision impairments poses challenges.
The scarcity of fuel resulting from the blockade has also exacted a toll on the government’s ability to provide essential services. This is evident in the reduction of school bus services, particularly impacting children with special needs who rely on these services. Moreover, essential equipment necessary for catering to the educational needs of children with special requirements remains beyond reach. This is due to the blockade’s stifling effect on supply chains through the imposition of sanctions or the elevated procurement costs incurred when attempting to navigate around the blockade’s restrictions. For instance, the School of Special Education endeavors to provide more wheelchairs to children with limited mobility. However, the acquisition of high-quality wheelchairs is hampered by the blockade’s constraints.
Statistics reveal the extent of damage to the education sector due to the blockade. In one year alone, from April 2019 to March 2020, the estimated damage to the sector amounts to US$21,226,000. Notable impacts include the need for additional payments for freight rates, hindrances to receiving payments for services provided abroad, difficulties accessing foreign funding, and limitations stemming from fuel shortages resulting from U.S. measures. In higher education, the blockade’s effects are particularly pronounced in limitations on technology and equipment access for teaching and scientific research. This hampers the development of academic and scientific activities at Cuban universities and research centers. An illustrative case is the University of Las Tunas, where a US$444,000 funding for a renewable energy project has been withheld due to banking complications, affecting local community development. Lack of funding and access to new technologies and international collaboration also results in brain drain.
A 2023 UNESCO report highlights the adverse impact of the U.S. blockade on Cuba’s education system. The report emphasizes that the blockade hampers the implementation of significant improvements within Cuba’s education system, such as efforts to enhance teaching quality and efficiency. The acquisition of essential materials and equipment, including laboratory resources and new textbooks, is made more costly and challenging due to the blockade’s restrictions. In higher education, the report notes that limitations on technology access and supplies hinder academic progress. Furthermore, the inability to engage in free academic exchange and collaboration between Cuban and U.S. universities and research institutions deprives both nations of valuable opportunities for mutually beneficial scientific knowledge exchange. Despite these challenges, Cuba remains committed to its education system and strives for notable results, exemplified by significant achievements and awards for Cuban students in international events. The country’s dedication to education persists, even in the face of an economic war driven by the blockade, as the international community continues to support Cuba’s call for its removal at the UN General Assembly.
Impact of Blockade on Legal System and Political Institutions
Expert witness José Alexis Ginarte Gato, President of the National Board of Directors of the National Union of Jurists of Cuba, explained how the impact of sanctions on Cuba’s legal system and political institutions is substantial, spanning various aspects. In April 2020, the Cuban government underwent an extensive consultation process with its citizens and ratified numerous international treaties, culminating in the approval of a new constitution. Concurrently, several new laws were enacted, particularly in response to the challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic. However, the blockade obstructs the effective communication of these legal developments to the populace, necessitating alternative methods for public awareness. To address this, the Cuban government has established its own database accessible through a website and has undertaken the printing of physical copies of these laws for distribution. Unfortunately, these measures are also constrained by the impact of the blockade. Limited access to the Internet compels the Cuban government to explore alternative satellite options, which incur higher costs and strain the country’s economy. Moreover, the production of printed materials is hindered by scarcities of paper and ink. The pervasive effects of the blockade extend across all domains of Cuban law, including those related to human rights and democracy.
Conclusions
The blockade on Cuba has been part of a relentless hybrid warfare to destroy the socialist revolution and continue enabling global north—and particularly U.S.- capital to benefit from the domination of Cuba’s economic and financial systems as they did in the period preceding the revolution. It is important to note that the blockade contravenes established international norms, particularly the principles of state sovereignty, U.N. treaties, and I.L.O. Conventions. For all of these reasons, the blockade is more aptly characterized as all-encompassing economic warfare amounting to “economic genocide,” a term articulated by Comandante Fidel Castro.
Corinna Mullin is a member of AISC.